Why many in the West are losing faith in democracy and even asking if dictators would do a better job

who says it’s more vital than ever that we fight for liberal values and our way of life

BACK in 2021, american military intelligence had predicted that the invasion might come within six years. as it turned out, china mounted its assault on Taiwan even sooner. In early 2025, President Xi Jinping launched the largest amphibious attack the world had seen since D-Day.

The fighting was intense, the loss of life appalling, as Taiwan tried to cling to its de facto independence. But despite professing outrage at china’s aggression, the U.S. was hesitant in its response.

The White House felt unable to go to war in support of Taiwan, partly because of a lagging economy at home, partly because of the painful legacy of the botched interventions in afghanistan, Libya and Iraq. Nor were any other Nato allies, including Britain, willing to come to Taipei’s defence.

as with the grinding conflict in Ukraine, the West supplied cash and military equipment — but didn’t put boots on the ground. In the face of china’s military might, these measures were not enough. after 18 harrowing months, Taiwan fell.

autocracy had triumphed over democracy, imperialism over liberty. a dark new chapter had opened in the modern story of mankind, with china victorious as the West continued its decline.

This bleak narrative is not yet a certainty.

But as former prime minister Liz Truss visits Taipei to warn that china is the ‘largest threat we face to the free world’, the chance of this proud asian democracy falling under Beijing’s control remains a real risk in the longer term.

Ms Truss, as well as every Western diplomat, would do well, however, to recognise that a new autocratic world order looms if the West does not regain its self-confidence, reinvigorate its institutions and restore faith in its own democracy.

Without such a revival, the burgeoning power of autocracies such as china and Saudi arabia risks growing unchecked while we slide into second-class status, our economies stalled, our influence diminished.

FOR the ascendancy of china would not just be a triumph for Beijing. It would also represent a rich opportunity for china-friendly authoritarian governments like cambodia, Djibouti on the Horn of africa and Saudi arabia to gain pre-eminence.

a china-led world is also one in which russia, humbled by its stalemate in Ukraine, could find a path back to global pre- eminence by becoming Beijing’s leading lieutenant, with the ability to menace eastern Europe.

The reality of such a threat was dramatically highlighted in March as President Xi visited President Putin in Moscow. The two dictators discussed how their deepening alliance could reshape the world, buttressed by their military might and stranglehold on energy supplies.

Two weeks before the summit, Beijing announced that it is to increase military expenditure by 7.2 per cent this year, taking its annual defence budget to a phenomenal £185 billion.

But the challenge extends beyond the military. china is a global economic superpower, having enjoyed astonishing growth in recent decades and invested in innovation, education and infrastructure — all of which has made the authoritarian ‘china model’ the envy of much of the developing world.

china now produces 22 per cent of the world’s advanced technology, marking a sharp increase from just 4 per cent as recently as 1995. In 2021, it was chinese scholars, not american (previously the norm), who published most of the world’s peer-reviewed papers. It is the same story in education, where china has massively increased funding for schools and universities, giving the country a more competitive edge on the global stage. Western corporations used to go to china for raw labour. Now, as a U.S. management consultant told the New York Times, ‘they are going to china for brains’.

china’s latest infrastructure epitomises the dynamic change. From vast industrial parks to high- speed trains, its sprawling cities exude 21st-century progress and often leave visitors awestruck at the country’s spectacular feats of engineering.

Even former U. S. President Donald Trump — no friend of Beijing — couldn’t conceal his admiration. ‘They have bridges that are so incredible,’ he declared at a 2016 election rally.

china spends more on infrastructure annually than the U.S. and Europe combined. Moreover, as with the British Empire in the 19th century — when the train and steamship reinforced London’s power abroad — so the focus on infrastructure is central to china’s foreign mission, whether by building railways in Nigeria or roads in Malaysia.

Even Israel, one of america’s closest allies, has increasingly welcomed china’s interest: china is now Israel’s third-largest trading partner, and a chinese stateowned company will operate Israel’s busiest port until at least 2040. What makes the perceived vigour of china all the more striking is the contrast with the malaise that has gripped much of the West. across Europe and North america, voters increasingly feel that their democratic systems are no longer working in their interests.

as living standards decline, energy bills soar and inflation remains stubbornly high, Western citizens increasingly consider their politicians impotent, or hold them in open contempt.

congress in Washington appears increasingly dysfunctional, the economy unbalanced and the civic infrastructure outmoded.

In Britain, the NHS is in perpetual crisis and the public sector in seemingly permanent turmoil because of industrial action.

In France, President Macron’s attempt to raise the state retirement age from 62 to 64 prompted mass demonstrations and the worst riots in cities for decades.

It is this mood of discontent that has encouraged the yearning in some quarters for authoritarian leadership, which could restore order and drive necessary reform.

This is the outlook that fuels support for a second term for Donald Trump, despite his manifest failings and the fact he faces criminal charges. It also explains the popularity of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor orbán, whose ethnic nationalism and contempt for liberal democracy are seen by his followers as virtues not vices.

But it is not just the populist right that is seduced by the idea of the decisive politician.

Similar attitudes can be found on the far Left and in the green movement. ‘ climate change is bigger than democracy,’ claimed roger Hallam, one of the British leaders of Extinction rebellion, in 2019.

THE would- be authoritarians look with envious eyes at leaders like Xi — who has awarded himself untrammelled power on a level not seen since Mao Zedong — and think the same approach could do wonders for their own countries. For a troubling number of voters and politicians, autocracy is the route to expansion.

Such Suc belief, wrongheaded head h as it is, marks a vious drastic drast ddv Western change thinking. to previous During Duri the cold War, it was s simpler for Western governments gove to portray tray democracy as synonymous onym with success — the Soviet Union had a visible and wretched w record of stagnation and failure, symbolised by the infamous ‘bread queues’.

No one visiting visitin Moscow in the 1980s came home and thought: ‘I want my city to be like that.’

But there is a real danger of people going to china, Singapore, and the United arab Emirates today, seeing those countries’ skyscrapers and highways and feeling that Beijing, Singapore and abu Dhabi’s policies should be replicated at home.

Such thoughts are delusions. autocracy is inherently flawed, since its foundations are built on cruelty rather than consensus. Ultimately, it can survive only through repression, which is inimical to the human spirit and undermines many kinds of innovation.

Even china today, for all its advances, has chronic weaknesses such as its ageing population, its massive debts (250 per cent of

GDP) and its systemic misgovernance. What’s more, democracy is far stronger than its critics suggest.

Over the centuries, it has proved the most effective way to govern, since freedom encourages innovation, enterprise and solidarity.

The answer now, as Liz Truss is making clear in her visit to Taipei, is not to despair and give in to the authoritarian myth, but to build on the inherent strengths of our democratic systems.

In the 19th century, French diplomat and historian Alexis de Tocqueville wrote that ‘the greatness of America lies not in being more enlightened than any other nation but in her ability to repair her faults’. It is that spirit we need today.

That means cherishing what our liberties have given us, from artistic creativity to open debate, and addressing the causes of our discontents. This can be done through practical measures that encourage everyone in the West to feel they have a stake in society and improvements in the social fabric are on their way.

We need to enhance social mobility so that citizens are not barred from achieving their potential. Safety nets must be reformed to account for the gig economy.

JUST as vital is the modernisation of immigration. Borders are, of course, necessary to define the state — and it is states alone that can protect rights. But if we are to prosper, we cannot hide behind fortress walls. A well-regulated level of immigration brings financial benefits to the host country.

Western governments must take other steps, such as cleaning up politics by being more transparent about the role of money. They must also promote long-term thinking, roll out tax incentives that promote entrepreneurship and boost infrastructure spending because better roads, bridges, railways and internet connections spur economic growth.

We must be more far-sighted and ambitious in defence of democracy. We must prove to our people that when democracy works as it is supposed to, nothing can beat us.

Because of our strengths, China, russia and their autocratic partners do not yet rule the world. Taiwan stands proudly for the time being, despite China’s threats.

We can prevent it from falling, not by aping China, but by rallying in defence of the liberal values that so powerfully enriched the West.

▪ Charles Dunst is author of Defeating the Dictators: how Democracy Can Prevail In the age Of the strongman (hodder & stoughton, February 2023).